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MAN, CIVILIZATION, CULTURE

On the issue of resettlement of Ossetians in Turkey (1859-1863)

P.V. Sichkar

Postgraduate student of SOIGSI A.V. Sichkar

After the end of the Caucasian War and the capture of Shamil in 1859, Muslim Ossetians, along with other Muslim peoples of the Caucasus, began to move to Turkey. This process in the historical literature is associated with the name of the tsarist general Mussa Kundukhov. However, documents testify that the Ossetian migration movement began long before 1865. I would like to shed light on this little-known page of history.

The resettlement, and in essence the eviction of the highlanders to Turkey, was a pan-Caucasian tragedy. The alarming thought of resettlement in Turkey, in connection with the approaching tragic end of the Caucasian War and the establishment of a difficult military-colonial regime after the fall of Shamil, covered the entire Muslim population of the region.

The Ossetian poet Inal Kanukov wrote about the then state of mind: “The highlanders, dissatisfied with the innovations after the conquest of the Eastern Caucasus, wanted to get rid of them. With naive confidence they listened to the stories of how their children would soon be taken into the soldiers and how they would be baptized by force. Soldiers, betrayal of religion are the biggest questions for the mountaineers of Muslims.

Especially diligently began to move Kabarda; This zeal also penetrated Ossetia. "Fanatics" appeared, who raised thousands of families behind them and pulled them into a country that they also knew, like China.

It should be noted that the concept of Sultan's Turkey among the Ossetians, as well as among other highlanders of the Caucasus, was formed on the basis of false ideas. They rushed to a country that neither of them knew, not realizing what horrors would befall them in this unknown and foreign country. The only historical thread connecting the highlanders of the North Caucasus with Turkey was the common religion - the Mohammedan faith, the head of which was considered the Turkish sultan.

At the heart of the desire of the Ossetians to leave for Turkey were, basically, the same motives as those of other peoples: on the one hand, eviction from their former places, oppression in terms of land, hatred of the new order of the colonial regime, the threat of recruitment and heavy taxes, and on the other - imaginary

hope for a better happiness on "sacred" land.

In this regard, it should be emphasized that the Cossacks of the Terek region received much more land than the highlanders, namely 24 acres per capita, and local residents - 12-18 acres for smoke. If the mountaineer's family averaged 10 people, then it turns out that the Cossacks received land 12-15 times more.

Speaking about the reasons for the resettlement, Professor G. A. Dzagurov wrote: “The reason for the resettlement of the highlanders in Turkey must be recognized as a deep economic shock to their lives under the blow of the heavy hammer of tsarist Russia.” At the same time, the scientist points out the role of individuals.

Badelyata, fearing reprisals from the Ossetian peasantry, and also trying to preserve their feudal rights and free labor, decided to move to Turkey. Hiding their true goals, they sought to captivate the yielding part of the Muslim peasantry of Digoria, playing on their religious feelings by spreading rumors about the imminent general and forced baptism of Muslims, about recruitment, about huge, exorbitant taxes, etc.

The first resettlement of Ossetians to Turkey took place in 1859. It was mainly some privileged families with their subject peasants who moved, in particular the Tuganovs and Abi-salovs from the Digor Badelites, the Kusovs and Kozyrevs from the Cardiusars.

The head of the first batch of Ossetian settlers in 1859 was Ali-Murza Abisalov. We do not have accurate or approximate data on the number of Ossetians who migrated at that time. It must be assumed that an insignificant part of the Ossetian Muslim peasants left in 1859 with the mentioned settlers, in connection with the strongly manifested desire of part of the Ossetians to leave for Turkey. It manifested itself most strongly in the village of Magometanovsky (now Chi-Kola). In December 1859, the inhabitants of the Magometanovsky village filed a petition addressed to Field Marshal Prince A.I. Baryatinsky (commander-in-chief of the Caucasian army) about the dismissal of the entire aul society to Turkey.

Head of the Ossetian military district in 1859

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A.B. SICHKAR. TO THE QUESTION OF MIGRATION OF OSSETIANS TO TURKEY (1859-1863) 2 7

was Colonel Mussa Kundukhov. Having received a petition from the inhabitants of the village of Magometanovskoye, M. Kundukhov found this resettlement impossible, as he feared a general resettlement of the inhabitants of the entire Ossetian Military District, and also considered the inhabitants of this village useful for the Caucasus region and the government of the Russian Empire.

Based on what Kundukhov stated, General A.I. Evdokimov decided to leave the request of the inhabitants without consequences. Thus, if Mussa Kundukhov in 1859-1860 was generally against the mass resettlement of the indigenous population of the region to Turkey, then regarding the liberation of the region from the restless population dangerous to the tsarist government, he fully shared the views of the Caucasian command.

Despite the ban, the Tavkazakhovs, Khasanovs and others moved out of the Magometanovsky aul.

The second resettlement of Ossetians within the Ottoman Empire took place in 1860, and it happened on a somewhat larger scale than in 1859. It mostly embraced the Tagaurians, but there were also Muslim Digorians.

During the years 1859-1860 Ossetians moved to Turkey at least 300-350 households, or up to 3,000 souls of both sexes. Some Kanukovs moved to 10 households.

The resettlement of Ossetians in 1860 was headed by the Taga-Ur Aldars. Of course, not everyone was eager to move to Turkey. It was enough for one influential feudal lord of one or another family to decide the issue of leaving for Turkey, as by his pressure, in the then tribal relations and tribal remnants, he forced many close relatives to leave. So it was with the family of the poet I. Kanukov (pressure from the father's brother).

The emigration of part of the Ossetians to Turkey coincides with the period of the Kabardins' resettlement there. Ossetians (settlers in 1859-1860) settled exclusively in Asia Minor and mainly in the Kars region and areas adjacent to Kagyzman. For the settlement, the Turkish authorities split families into 2-3 yards, which the settlers did not particularly like.

This is how the father of Inal Kanukov spoke about the places proposed by the Turkish government for settlement, who was appointed attorney from all the settlers to inspect the place where they had to settle, and find out about the good quality and suitability of these places.

Bad places - dog people. We aspired here from our homeland, where we felt good, headlong - and here we are in Istanbul, at the goal of our difficult and unhappy path, and what do we see in it? We do not have to fraternize with the Turkish population. Think about it seriously, for the sake of your children. If we return back to our homeland, then this is not a sign of our cowardice, as many of us think, which means that we wish good for our family, which will die here among such a people;

better remember about your free and happy life in your homeland, which will again joyfully accept us in its arms, like prodigal sons, and we will again live in the old way. Lost a lot - what to do? This is all a consequence of our stupidity and gullibility; now they have come to their senses, and the mistake is not yet difficult to correct. But remember that if we are settled here separately by two or three families, then we will forget each other and will not know who among us dies and who lives, and already from this environment not a single soul will shed a sad tear and spend your dust to your last dwelling - the grave.

I am the first of those who want to go back - and 90 more yards have joined this.

“At the first news of the desire of the mountaineers of the Caucasus to return back, the government of the Russian Empire recognized the need to take all possible measures to prevent their intention. After dealing with the Imperial Mission in Constantinople about this, Prince Lobanov-Rostovsky circularly suggested that our consulates in the East refuse to stamp passports for natives of the Caucasus region who have passed into Turkish citizenship and wish to return to their fatherland in order to become Russian subjects again.

With regard to persons who, despite this prohibition, find the opportunity to return to their homeland, the government was pleased to establish the following rules: upon the arrival of such persons within our borders, arrest them and if it turns out: a) that they belong to the obedient mountain communities of the Caucasus, immediately exile them into the interior of Russia for a settlement, and b) if these persons belong to those from the mountain communities that are in hostile relations with us, then they should be detained for 3 months, for exchange for our prisoners in the mountains; after a 3-month period, if the exchange does not take place, send to Siberia for settlement and in both cases in accordance with the established administrative procedure. As for those persons who belong to the inhabitants of the Caucasus, and who, having been dismissed to Turkey for various reasons, and having expired their passports there, will return to their homeland, if they do not present evidence from the consuls in extending their leave, or a good reason for the delay in their passports , then exile those to a settlement in the interior of Russia.

Persons returning to their homeland with passports that have not yet expired should be let through without hindrance.

“As for the officers who were deceived in their hopes when they transferred to Turkish citizenship and returned to their homeland, sincerely repenting of their deeds, and giving themselves to the mercy of the government of the Russian Empire, it was decided not to expose them to the responsibility that any abandonment of the fatherland entails. But at the same time, he did not consider it fair to allow people who already once intended to become subjects of

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MAN, CIVILIZATION, CULTURE

the government of another state and who did not fulfill their intention, for whatever reason, upon returning to our borders, enjoyed the same advantages that they had deserved before departure. Therefore, it was decided to consider all officers from the natives of the Caucasian region who returned back and overstayed their vacation abroad, without resorting to further clarification of the reasons for this, to be considered dismissed from service. And if they again wish to join the Russian army, then only as lower ranks, and at the same time deprived of the right to the maintenance they previously deserved from the treasury, until they again deserve it with their faith and diligent service for the good of the fatherland.

Meanwhile, it turns out that many of the native officers, going to Mecca, did not have in mind to settle in Turkey, and not only did not expire their passports, but even arrived earlier. But according to this order, they were excluded from the lists of military personnel and deprived of the maintenance they deserved. Many of these officers applied for the return of their officer rank and petitioned that for those who did not expire their passports and did not sell their property in their homeland, they would not be subject to the penalty that is determined for the natives who went to Turkey for resettlement.

In 1861-1863, many settlers returned to Ossetia disappointed by the mercy of the Turkish Sultan. So, for example, in November 1861, they received permission (and not everyone received one): Captain Tokaev with a family of 14 souls, Lieutenant Dudarov, with a family of 25 souls, and Issa Surkhaev, who has no rank, with a family of 5 souls. Of course, it was not always possible for a returnee to be placed in his former place of residence, since the main headquarters allowed the commander of the troops of the Terek region to settle in their former places only those of them whose placement would be recognized as possible by the command.

It is interesting, for example, a petition filed on June 1, 1862 by Magomet Khabliyev, Tsopan Tsalikov, Khabush Dudarov, who arrived in Tiflis from settlers in Turkey, about the plight in which the settlers of 55 households of Ossetians in the Vladikavkaz district are

ha, who have now arrived at the border near Alexandropol, with a request for permission to settle again in the Terek region.

On June 7, 1862, the army commander allowed 79 families, who moved at different times to Turkey and now expressed a desire to return to their homeland, namely 55 families of Ossetians, 4 Chechens and 20 Kumyks, to pass through the border line and send them in separate parties, 10-12 families each each, to the city of Vladikavkaz to settle them at their former place of residence.

In the first batch of these settlers there were 15 families of Ossetians:

Names and surnames Number of souls

1. Guso Toguzov 19

2. Bizirko Tartiev 10

3. Gibiz Bigoev 4

4. Temirko Gabanov 11

5. Kaspolat Kabali 7

6. Aslan Bigoev 4

7. Temir Bigoev 4

8. Mustafa Emarikov 2

9. Mansur Khabilov 11

10. Badur Gastuev 6

11. Uzi Bigoev 16

12. Jiso Sidakov 1

13. Safari Minzikov 8

15. Magomed Minzikov 7

Only 127 people.

(Of these, 12 families were settled in the village of Zamankul and 3 families were settled in the village of Elkhotovo). I draw your attention to the fact that the names and surnames of the settlers are recorded as in an archival document.

The Caucasian highlanders - immigrants, misled by various Turkophiles, mainly wealthy people and mullahs, saw in practice how cruelly they were deceived. The harsh reality of Sultan's Turkey finally convinced the highlanders that although the traditional system of their life had changed in Russia, although they lived poorly under the yoke of tsarism and local oppressors, they did not get rid of all this even in a foreign land, in Turkey. Thus, Sultan's Turkey ceased to be the "lesser evil" for the highlanders.

Literature

1. Totoev M.S. Relocation of Ossetians to Turkey. ORF SOIGSI, F. 17. Op. 1. D. 5. L. 1.

2. Kanukov I. D. In the Ossetian village. - Ordzhonikidze, 1985. S. 61.

3. Travel notes from Alexandropol to Erzerum // Caucasus. No. 265. P. 2.

4. Abramov Ya.K. Caucasian highlanders. - Krasnodar, 1927. Issue. No. 3. P. 5.

5. Dzagurov G.A. Resettlement of highlanders in Turkey. - Rostov-on-Don, 1925. S. 3-7.

6. Totoev M.S. Resettlement of the Highlanders of the North Caucasus to Turkey. ORF SOIGSI F.17. Op.1. D. 6. L. 158.

7. Periodical press of the Caucasus about Ossetia and Ossetians. Scientifically popular collection (Compiled by Chibirov. L. A.). - Tskhinval, 1989. S. 220.

8. CGA RNO-A F.12. Op.5.

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Resettlement of Ossetians from the mountains to the plains

10/12/2004 07:40 Ossetian resettlement to the plains began shortly after the foundation of Mozdok (1763) and Vladikavkaz (1784) fortresses by the Russian government. But until the beginning of the 19th century, this migration was episodic. The mass transition of Ossetians to the plane began only in 1803, when for the second time, and this time finally, the Vladikavkaz fortress and military fortifications were restored on the territory of Ossetia: Potemkinskoe, Grigoriopolisskoe, Kambileevskoe and Elizavetinskoe. These measures of the tsarist administration directly followed from the terms of the agreement signed by the representatives of the Ossetian people with the tsarist authorities, and most importantly, from the very essence of the colonial policy of tsarism in the Caucasus.

The first mass eviction of Ossetians from the mountains continued until 1816. The eviction took place mainly from the Tagauri Gorge. The beginning of the second stage of mass resettlement was the plan of General Yermolov to transfer the Georgian Military Highway from the right bank of the river to the left. To implement this plan, it was necessary to secure the left-bank part of the Vladikavkaz plain. The governor of the Caucasus made a decision - to clear this territory of the remnants of anti-Russian-minded mountain (Kabardian) feudal lords and populate it with relatively "calm" Ossetian auls. Therefore, in 1822, on the orders of Yermolov, the commandant of the Vladikavkaz fortress, Colonel Skvortsov, divided the entire left-bank part of the Terek into sections and indicated to the representatives of the Digorsky, Alagirsky, Kurtatinsky and Tagaursky gorges of the land where they could settle.

The Tagauri society was given lands between the Terek and Mayramadag, the Kurtatin - between Mayramadag and the river. Ardon, Alagirsky - Ardan-Kurp interfluve. The lands provided to the Digorsky society were divided between feudal families: the Tuganovs were assigned the territory from the mountains to the river. Razbun at its confluence with the river. Dur-Dur and along its left bank to the Tatartupa ridge (80 households were to be located on this site); Kubatiev - from the river. Dur-Dur to the mouth of the river. White; living on the river Urukh Pakhta Kubatiev, Kabanov and Karazhaev - on the right bank of the river. Belaya to the river. Kurp. The right bank of the Terek was given to the Tagauri feudal lords Dudarov a little earlier. Ermolov intended to start redistributing this significant area after the transfer of the Georgian Military Highway from the right bank of the Terek to the left. On the eve of the resettlement of Ossetians to these lands, Yermolov announced that “Ossetians who have moved out of the mountains should equally be, as Russian subjects, protected from any oppression by other peoples under our protection”; in addition, the Ossetians were exempted from payment to the Kabardian princes for the use of land on the plain.

The Ossetian population, in dire need of land, rushed to the plain. Soon the mass resettlement had its own "organizers". They turned out, as a rule, representatives of the "upper", as well as individual wealthy individuals. They also became "first settlers", "founders" of new auls and settlements, which were named after them. On this basis, the Ossetian feudal lords subsequently considered the land to be their property, and the inhabitants of the settlement - a dependent population.

In search of lands, the Ossetian mountaineers often left in large groups outside their homeland. So in the 1870s on the banks of the river. Labs settled 149 families, or 964 people, who came out mainly from the Nar basin and the villages of the Alagir gorge. By the way, this resettlement movement was headed by the father of K. Khetagurov - second lieutenant Levan Khetagurov from the village. Nar. Now these settlers have formed one large village on Laba. Kosta Khetagurova and several settlements (G.A. Kokiev, Izv. YUONII, Ts1, 1936). At the end of the XIX century. in the Nalchik region, more than 30 settlements of Ossetian-Digorians arose, settling on plots leased and bought from the Kabardian princes; according to M.V. Rklitsky, in Kabarda during this period, up to 38 thousand acres (41.8 thousand hectares) were used by Ossetian settlers.

Subsequently, the resettlement process underwent a number of transformations associated with a change in the colonial policy of the autocratic government in the Caucasus and its agrarian policy in Ossetia.

The resettlement of Ossetians to the plains in the pre-revolutionary period did not affect the inhabitants of Central and South Ossetia at all.

Settling by Ossetians in the foothills of the North Caucasus

Section: Ossetia in the 18th century

After the annexation of Ossetia to Russia, that is, from the middle of the 18th century, the formation of Ossetian settlements began on the plain of the North Caucasus and in the foothills of Georgia. This process, which lasted for a long period, ended only in Soviet times, after the mass resettlement of mountaineers to the plain.

The earliest lowland settlers are the Mozdok Ossetians, who came from different parts of North Ossetia. They settled in Mozdok immediately after its foundation in 1763. In addition, some of them settled on farms near the city in the Mozdok steppes. In 1792 there were 200 Ossetian settlers here. At the beginning of the XIX century. 25 km from Mozdok, on the right bank of the Terek, two large settlements of Ossetian-Digorians arose - Chernoyarskoye (1805) and Novo-Osetinovskoye (1810). These Ossetians, who later joined the Terek Cossack troops, moved here from the foothills and mountainous Digoria.

Mozdok until the end of the 18th century. and before the appearance of the fortress, Vladikavkaz played a very significant role in the economic and cultural life of the Ossetians.

In the XVIII century. several foothill villages arose near the northern Ossetians - Kartsa, Biragzang, Dur-Dur, Ursdon, Karadzhaevo, etc. - and among the southern Ossetians - Rustav, Korine, Tsnelis. The modern Ordzhonikidzovskaya Ossetian settlement, created, according to Acad. P. G. Butkov, in 1782 mainly came from the Tagura society.

Breaking out of the mountain gorges and settling on a fertile plain was the age-old dream of the Ossetian people. However, the mass migration of Ossetians to the foothills - to the Vladikavkaz (Ossetian) plain began only in the first half of the 19th century, after the liquidation of Kabardian feudal possessions in these places. In the second half of the XVIII century. Ossetian societies, through their elders, repeatedly appealed to the tsarist government and its administration in the Caucasus with a request to provide them with foothill plains for settlement. However, this primordial dream of the Ossetian people came true only in the first third of the 19th century.

In 1822, by order of General Yermolov, the Vladikavkaz plain was divided into four regions, corresponding to the four societies of North Ossetia. The Tagauri society was allotted lands located between the rivers Terek and Mayramadag, Kurtatinsky - between Mayramadag and Ardon; Alagirsky - between Ardon and Krups, Digorsky - foothill Digoria was allocated.

Until now, eyewitness stories about the distribution of land on the plain between the societies of North Ossetians are preserved in the memory of the people. By order of Yermolov in the 20-30s of the XIX century. there was a mass migration of North Ossetians to the foothills. Not far from villages. Ardon, in the steppe, there is a huge mound bearing the name of this general. Standing on its top, Yermolov announced to the representatives of the Ossetian societies that the plain was henceforth given to the use of the Ossetians.

So, along the river Gizeldon, five small Tagauri feudal villages were formed, named after their founders: the aul of the Zaroevs (Aldatovs), the aul of the Mamsurovs, Tegovaul (Mamsurovs and Kanukovs), the aul of the Kanukovs and the aul of Aslangeri. On the left bank of the Terek, on the Georgian Military Highway, the family farms of the Dudarovs and Yesenovs, as well as the farm of Kardiu, inhabited by farsaglags - the Kozyrevs, arose.

The first settlements of the Kurtatins in the foothills include the one-family auls of the Teziyevs (Upper Suadag), Borsievs (Middle Suadag) and Esiyevs (Lower Suadag), as well as the Upper and Lower Fiag, which were inhabited by different surnames of the Kurtatins. In the second half of the XIX century. Two villages were formed from the named auls - Nogkau (1867), or Pysylmonkau (Muslim village), and Kadgarok (1879), or Nog-Kurtat (New Kurtat), occupied by one Christian population.

The Alagirs formed the villages of Salugardon (1824) and Ardon. In 1850, a village was founded near Salugardon. Alagir, called a mountain village. It arose in connection with the construction of the Alagir silver-lead plant here and the settlement of workers transferred from the Ural and Altai plants.

The tsarist government, interested in strengthening its position in the Caucasus by resettling the Ossetians on the plain, provided the best, most fertile lands in these areas not to the highlanders, but to the Cossack settlers. In 1825, by order of Yermolov, the Caucasian road was moved to the left bank of the Terek and a number of fortifications were erected here, from which Cossack villages were later formed: in 1837 Ardonskaya, in 1838 Urukhskaya, Nikolaevskaya and Arkhonskaya, in 1849 Zmeyskaya . They occupied most of the region and its most fertile lands. Therefore, the majority of Ossetians are still left to live in the mountains.

Resettlement to the plain did not affect the inhabitants of Central and South Ossetia at all. It covered only the named four large societies of North Ossetia, but due to the lack of free land on the plain, the majority of the population and these societies remained in their original places.

Of the 213 thousand acres of land on the Vladikavkaz plain, which was redistributed among new settlers, 106 thousand acres were received by 17 Ossetian villages, in which there were 3,500 households and 21 thousand inhabitants. 52 thousand acres were allocated to four Cossack villages. Ossetian feudal lords received 34,000 acres, including 13,000 acres that were the property of the Tuganovs. 21 thousand acres went to the treasury.

The lands on the plain were unevenly distributed among the Ossetian societies. The largest amount of land was allocated to the peasants of the Tagauri society - 65 thousand acres, the Kurtatin society received 15 thousand, Alagir - 13 thousand and Digorskoe - 12 thousand acres. The Tagaur society occupied the entire right bank of the Terek, free from Cossack settlements.

Many lowland Ossetian villages were built like Cossack villages, with a regular street layout, but at the same time, they are characterized by the presence of tribal quarters, which testified to the vitality of Ossetians' tribal and communal remnants.

As mentioned above, the movement of the population from the mountainous South Ossetia to the foothill regions of the region and to various places in eastern and western Georgia has been continuous for many centuries since the time of the Mongol invasion. Living for such a long time among the Georgians, the Ossetians gradually dissolved in their environment. However, where Ossetians settled in compact groups, they retained their language and national identity. Such regions of Georgia include Dusheti, Gori, Borjomi, Karelian and Akhmetoki, where the emergence of a number of Ossetian villages dates back to the 17th-18th centuries.

However, the mass migration of South Ossetians to Georgia took place mainly in the 19th century. Often she was patronized by the tsarist administration and local feudal lords, who thus sought to get rid of the constant uprisings of Ossetian peasants who demanded land for settlement and refused to fulfill various feudal duties and make payments imposed on them.

South Ossetians settled on the lands of Georgian feudal lords on the most enslaving terms. Their villages were usually located in high-mountainous or wooded areas, unsuitable for conducting the main branches of the economy - agriculture and cattle breeding - and distinguished by harsh climatic conditions. Such were, for example, the settlements of the Gujareti and Karelian Ossetians, which arose around the middle of the 19th century. in the highlands that were then empty, covered with impenetrable forests. Devastated by the Turkish invaders in the 18th century, the Gujaret and Karelian gorges were reclaimed by Ossetian settlers, who came mainly from the Java Gorge of South Ossetia. Here every plot of land had to be liberated from under the forest. Neither the lack of roads, nor the harsh winter, which lasted up to seven months, did not stop the constant influx of Ossetian migrants, whose number increased every year.

During the 19th century big number Ossetians settled in the Dusheti and Gori regions of Georgia. At the beginning of the XX century. more than 30 Ossetian settlements appeared on the territory of upper and lower Kakheti, formed mainly by people from the river basin. Big Liahvy. These Ossetians settled on princely lands covered with forests that had to be uprooted. The main duty of the Ossetian settlers was to protect the princely estates from the raids of the highlanders of Dagestan.

The total number of Ossetians living on the southern slope of the Main Caucasian Range within Georgia, according to 1888 data, was: c. Tiflis district - 680 people, in Gori - 3760 and in Dusheti - 3409 people.

Despite the significant settling of Ossetians in the territory of Georgians proper, nevertheless, their bulk, especially from Central and North Ossetia, sought to enter the fertile plain of the North Caucasus, to settle on plots rented or bought from landlords. Thus, in almost all lowland Ossetian villages, a significant number of landless peasants formed - "temporary residents", who, according to Kosta Khetagurov, did not even enjoy the "right to vote at gatherings." In search of lands, the Ossetian mountaineers often left in large groups outside their homeland. So, in the 70s of the XIX century. 149 families, or 964 people, settled on the banks of the Laba, mostly from the Nar basin and the villages of the Alagir gorge. At the end of the XIX century. in the Nalchik region, more than 30 villages arose: Ossetians-Digors, who settled on plots rented and bought from the Kabardian princes.

According to M. V. Rklitsky, in Kabarda during this period, up to 38 thousand acres were in use by Ossetian settlers.

Lack of land, lack of means of subsistence forced the Ossetians to leave for seasonal work in Tbilisi, Baku and other cities of the Caucasus: and Russia, where many of them settled, joining the ranks of the industrial proletariat. In search of work, Ossetians also traveled abroad to Canada, North and South America, Australia, China and other countries.

The geographical conditions of the settlement of Ossetians determined the specifics of their national development. The division of the Ossetians by the Main Caucasian Range into southern and northern ones caused the attraction of the southern Ossetians to the Georgians, and the northern ones - to the peoples of the North Caucasus. The Ossetian societies that inhabited the mountain gorges were also separated by natural barriers, since the connection between them was only narrow pass paths, which were impassable for seven months a year due to heavy snowfalls. This contributed to the conservation in; each society has its own local features in everyday life and culture.

The disunity of the Ossetians was also reinforced by administrative division. South Ossetians were part of the Tiflis, Dusheti and Gori districts of the Tiflis province. Until the middle of the XIX century. here also included; and residents of Central Ossetia. After the construction of the Military Ossetian Highway, they, along with the North Ossetians, became part of the Terek region.

The inclusion of the North Ossetians, which consisted of two large divisions - the Irons and the Digors, into one administrative region was undoubtedly important for their rapprochement, but the national policy of the tsarist government did not provide opportunities for their economic and cultural development - the Ossetians suffered from landlessness and lived in extreme poverty.

The national development of the Ossetians began with the victory of the Great October Revolution. One of the most important measures of the Soviet government was the resettlement of Ossetian mountaineers to the plain of the North Caucasus and to the southern foothill zone. The settlers received for their use the land confiscated from the Cossack elite, Ossetian and Georgian feudal lords. From 1921 to 1928, more than 21 thousand people moved to the plain of the North Caucasus. Among them, a significant part were Tuals who came from Mamison, Nar, Zakin and other gorges located in the upper reaches of the Ardon.

Tuala settlers had 583 households, in which there were 4306 people. They formed two new large villages - them. Kirov, (311 yards) and Costa (272 yards).

The new settlement of Nogir, formed by South Ossetians, was especially distinguished then by its size. It had 538 households and 2970 inhabitants.

Settlers from the Dargav, Kurtatinsky, Digorsky and other gorges also compactly settled in the villages of Farn, Nartikau. Surkh-Digor and others.

Resettlement to the plain was carried out under the leadership of resettlement committees created from representatives of the highlanders in individual societies. The right to resettlement was given primarily to the landless and landless.

Due to the fact that the settlers experienced financial difficulties in acquiring housing, livestock, and agricultural equipment in a new place, the Soviet government in 1925 assigned them a loan in the amount of 200 thousand rubles. and issued benefits in the amount of 50 thousand rubles. At that time, many Ossetians, especially the southern ones, remained in the mountains. In subsequent years, especially during the Great Patriotic War, the flow of migrants increased, as a result of which, in the mountains of North Ossetia, the economies of entire regions fell into decay. Most of the new settlers were South Ossetians. They settled in almost all lowland villages, often forming entire neighborhoods.

An exceptionally important stage in the life of the Ossetian people was the acquisition of their statehood. In 1922, the South Ossetian Autonomous Region was formed as part of Georgia. In June 1924, the North Ossetians, who were part of the Mountain Republic, were separated into an independent North Ossetian Autonomous Region, which in 1936 was transformed into the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. According to the 1959 census, 86% of Ossetians living in the USSR live within these autonomies: 215,463 people in North Ossetia and 141,178 people in South Ossetia and Georgia. Outside the autonomies, there are separate Ossetian villages in the neighboring republics of the Caucasus and even in Central Asia. Quite a large number of Ossetians live in large cities of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the development of industrial enterprises of all-Union significance led to the settling in North Ossetia of representatives of various other nationalities, mainly Russians, Ingush, Georgians, and Armenians. Due to the influx of foreign population and the ongoing movement of Ossetians from the mountain gorges, the population density in North Ossetia is the highest in the RSFSR.

The socialist transformations of the economy, the growth of the cultural level led to the elimination of the former disunity of Ossetian societies and to the erasure of local differences in language and way of life. North and South Ossetians have a single national culture, a single literary language.

At the same time, their close contact with Russians and Georgians affects the national development of the Ossetians. Suffice it to say that during the census in 1959, 20,309 Ossetians declared Russian as their mother tongue and 16,938 Ossetians - Georgian. Characteristically, according to the 1926 census, there were 1,528 Ossetians who considered Russian their native language, and 1,650 Ossetians considered Georgian. The intensified process of linguistic rapprochement is generated by the development of the labor community.

§ 37. THE BEGINNING OF MIGRATION OF OSSETIANS TO THE FOOTHILL PLAIN. ACCESSION OF DIGORIA TO RUSSIA

Preparation of a government decision on the resettlement of Ossetians. The agreement reached in Mozdok on the resettlement of Ossetians to the foothill plain was considered in Ossetia as the most important achievement in Russian-Ossetian relations. The further fate of the political union between Ossetia and Russia depended on the implementation of this agreement. The Russian government was aware of the seriousness of the issue of resettling Ossetians in places that were not actually protected from armed attacks. Another thing was also understood - without resolving this issue, Russian political and economic plans for Ossetia became unrealistic.

The Collegium of Foreign Affairs was the main agency dealing with the "Ossetian issue". As the most competent body that owned the problems of the Caucasus, he was entrusted with the development of a plan for specific political and administrative actions related to the resettlement of Ossetians to the plain.

In the reign of Catherine II, an immutable rule was established according to which any serious government decision concerning the non-Russian people could be made only after comprehensive information had been received about this people. Ossetia was no exception.

Collecting various information about the Ossetian people The Collegium of Foreign Affairs demanded from John of Bulgaria, Archpriest of the Astrakhan Spiritual Consistory. It took the educated archpriest, who knew Ossetia well, more than a year to "decently inquire about the former and current situation of that people." John of Bulgaria prepared a detailed report on the Ossetian people. Particular attention was paid to the social and economic life of the Ossetians. John of Bulgaria managed to determine the historical territory that the Ossetians once occupied. Separately, he noted those of its borders, where the settlers intended to settle. Together with representatives of the Ossetian societies, John of Bulgaria traveled to these lands, examined them, studied the historical monuments preserved on the foothill plain. According to his testimony, Ossetians showed him churches and ruined buildings that belonged to their ancestors. The report of John of Bulgaria, intended for hearing at the Collegium of Foreign Affairs, also included information about the traditions and religious beliefs of the Ossetians.

The need for resettlement of Ossetians to the foothill plains was the main conclusion of the learned archpriest. He emphasized the advantage of this step for Russia itself. In his opinion, having received land on the plain, Ossetia will become a more “submissive country”.

In the College of Foreign Affairs, the report of John of Bulgaria was carefully studied. On its basis, Count N.I. Panin compiled a "Message" to Prince G.A. Potemkin on the importance of more active political actions in Ossetia. Two issues - the spread of Christianity and resettlement to the plain - he singled out as priorities. N.I. Panin convinced the prince, the main favorite of Catherine II, of the urgency of resolving the Ossetian issue. He suggested that the government subject it to "closest review".

The government decision to resettle the Ossetians to the foothill plains was made at the beginning of 1781. The Russian officer L.L. Shteder was the first to implement this decision. Arriving in Ossetia, he urged the Ossetians "to go down to cultivate the land on the plain under the mountains." On his advice, along the banks of the Tsrau River, Ossetians - immigrants from the Alagir Gorge - founded the settlement of Tsrau. Resettlement to the plain, however, was fraught with considerable dangers. This explained the desire of Ossetians to settle in Russian fortresses, fortifications and outposts. So, in 1782, residents of the Tagaur, Alagir, Tual and Digor communities asked the Russian government to settle them near the Potemkin redoubt, located on the left bank of the Terek (near modern Elkhotovo),

Economic and military cooperation was born between Russians and Ossetians in mixed settlements. It was this fact of common history that Astrakhan Governor P.N. Krechetnikov, when he wrote to his government: “Of all other mountain peoples, Ossetians have the most affection for Russia and even a penchant for Christian law.”

Revolt of 1781. Accession of the Digorsky society to Russia. In 1774, the Digorsky society did not take part in the Mozdok negotiations. Previously, it has repeatedly appealed to the Russian government on this issue. Later, however, the Digorian feudal nobility began to fear that by joining Russia and moving to the plains, they would lose their power over dependent peasants. These fears were not unfounded. In Digoria, the estates dependent on the feudal lords did not hide the hope of liberation from the domination of the nobility. They also hoped, with the help of Russia, to acquire land on the plain and at least slightly improve their lives.

There was another reason why the Digor Society still remained outside Russian political influence. It was connected with the position of the Kabardian princes, who tried to play the role of overlords in relation to the Digor badeliates. Any political steps towards rapprochement between Ossetia and Russia, no matter who took them - Ossetia itself or Russia, met with stubborn resistance from the Kabardian nobility.

Periodically, the Digor nobility entered into a political alliance with the Kabardian feudal lords. More often this happened when the estates dependent on badeliat tried to enter into contacts with the Russian authorities. In Digoria, ordinary members of the community and dependent estates were in a state of confrontation with both the badeliates and their patrons - representatives of the upper classes of Kabardian society.

In 1781, the growing conflict took the form of a general protest. The population defiantly began to move away from the Muslim religion, which was professed by the Digor nobility, and switched to the Christian faith. The continuation of this action was a general decision - "to take the oath at the first demand of Russia" and "not to allow any violence of the badeliates against individuals."

In response to this, the 20 most influential badeliat formed their own armed detachment of 600 people. By force of arms they suppressed the movement of peasants and free community members. At the Badeliat Council, they decided: never surrender to Russia, oppose all Russian orders, attack the Russians, kill their envoys, rob the intractable people and sell the most noble leaders into slavery.

The actions of badeliat caused a new wave of indignation. Several hundred armed men formed detachments. Detachments from Durdur, Kabanovo, Karazhaevo and other villages also came to their aid. The total number of rebels exceeded 1000 people. Resisting this power was useless. Badeliata was offered negotiations. They took place, but were conducted in an atmosphere of mutual hostility. Badeliata was dragging out the negotiations in every possible way, manoeuvring, trying to deceive the rebels. Knowing well the tactics of badeliat, the peasants were preparing for a decisive battle. The Russian officer Shteder, an eyewitness to these events, wrote: “The situation was so serious that they (badeliata. - Ed.) gave themselves and all their well-being to the boundless mercy of Russia.”

Badeliata yielded to the people. They were forced to conclude an unfavorable contract. Badeliata took an oath of allegiance to Russia, pledged to free the peasants from feudal dependence and return their lands to them; the amounts of taxes were precisely established and became smaller than before (according to the "old custom").

The peasants of 47 Digorsk villages also took the oath of allegiance to Russia. According to Shteder, as a result of the peasant uprising in Digoria, "more than three thousand Ossetians became subjects of Russia."

Embassy of Karadzau Mamiev. The beginning of military cooperation. On the eve of the war between Russia and Turkey in 1787, Catherine II undertook a journey to the south. The Empress demonstrated to the countries Western Europe Russian foreign policy gains in the Caucasus. The list of these conquests included the annexation of Ossetia (1774), Chechnya (1781), the Crimean Khanate (1783), the protectorate over Kartli-Kakheti (1784) and other important achievements in Russian policy in the south. Catherine II made a pompous trip to the south. Behind the external pomposity, however, the empress's concern about the strength of Russia's position in the Caucasus was visible if she had to enter the war with Turkey. Trying to ascertain the allegiance of the peoples annexed to Russia, Catherine II sent letters of invitation to the highlanders of the Caucasus, negotiated and gave them presents.

The letter of Catherine II also arrived in Ossetia. He was taken to the Kurtatin Society. The letter contained an invitation to the Crimea, allegedly for the Empress to present gifts that were due to Ossetia.

Mamiev Karadzau, Totrov Guzy, Tsalikov Lade, Kudziev Dzaglo - a total of 40 people - went to Crimea to meet with Catherine II. The meeting with the empress was of a solemn and ceremonial nature. As a sign of loyalty to Russia, the members of the deputation adopted Christianity in the presence of the empress. Kurman Kubatiev received a special honor. During his baptism, Catherine II herself acted as a godmother, that is, Catherine II. Prince G.A. Potemkin (Tauride) and General P.S. Potemkin became godparents of the Tagaur and Kurtatin foremen.

The political goal of the Crimean meeting was for Ossetia to reaffirm its adherence to the agreements reached back in 1774 in Mozdok. This was precisely what was important for Russia, which in 1787 was expecting a war with Turkey.

The Ossetian delegation was returning from the Crimea on 40 wagons loaded with royal gifts. South of the modern village of Elkhotovo, the caravan was ambushed. In the battle with the detachment of the Kabardian feudal lord, everyone died, except for the teenager Akhmet Guriev. He, as well as the “Diploma” issued by Catherine II to the Ossetian delegation, was delivered to Ossetia by a Kabardian. The letter was kept in the Narskaya church. Kosta Khetagurov, who saw her in church, wrote about her.

Back in 1786, General P.S. Potemkin undertook the formation of a military team of young Ossetians to participate in wars on the side of Russia. He managed to create a detachment of 500 people. A year later, in 1787, the detachment took part in the Russian-Turkish war. The same detachment in 1788 was sent to the Russian-Swedish war. In 1790-91. Ossetians - participants in the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Swedish wars - returned to Ossetia. The most distinguished in military operations received awards and officer ranks. The rank of major was awarded to Kurman Kubatiev, captain - Kaytuk Batriev, lieutenant - Solomon Guriev, Sozruk Aris-khanov, Peter Tsalikov and others. With them and other participants in the Russian-Turkish and Russian-Swedish wars, the beginning of the formation of the Ossetian military intelligentsia and military commonwealth with Russia is connected.

MM. Bliev, R.S. Bzarov "History of Ossetia"

Back in 1822, Klaproth expressed the opinion that the Ossetians are the descendants of the Alans (they are also wasps and yas, depending on the sources). Further research confirmed the assumption that the ancestors of the Ossetians were among the Alans, and clarified the Iranian origin of the latter, as well as their relationship with the Sarmatians. Ossetians are the remnant of the once numerous Iranian tribe, which occupied a significant area in the northern Caucasus, on and in the Black Sea. Up to Elborus and further in the region of the upper Kuban, the Ossetian names of rivers, gorges, passes, mountains, etc., are still preserved, indicating that these places were inhabited by their ancestors.

Observation of the type of mountain Tatars, the study of their traditions and customs leads to the conviction that the Tatars found the indigenous Ossetian population here. The ancestors of the Ossetians lived even further to the west, in the lower reaches of the Kuban and the Don, which still retained its Ossetian name (don - in Ossetian water, river). The antiquity of Iranian settlements in the south-east of Russia dates back to the time of the Greek Black Sea colonies. In the Greek inscriptions of Tiras, Olbia, Panticapaeum, and especially Tanaida, there are many Iranian personal names among non-Greek personal names, indicating the presence of a significant Iranian element in the local population. The linguistic analysis of these names made it possible to understand some of the phonetic laws of the Sarmatian language and establish its special relationship with the Ossetian.

Historical data on the fate of the ancestors are a few written testimonies about the Asian Sarmatians, Alans, as well as meager indications of the Russian chronicle about the Yasses. The closest southern cultural neighbors of the Ossetians, the Georgians, also preserved in their annals several testimonies about the Ossetian raids in Transcaucasia. The Armenian historian Moses of Khorensky knows the Osses under the name Alans, under which they were also known to Byzantine historians. In the Georgian chronicle, the Osses are portrayed as a strong, numerous people, who put up several tens of thousands of horsemen for raids. Ossetian kings and family unions between the royal house (Bagratids) and the Ossetian are mentioned.

The power of the Ossetians, weakened in the north of the Caucasus by the Russians (Kasogs) and Polovtsy, was finally undermined by the Tatar pogrom during the time of Genghis Khan. The Ossetians were forced to pay tribute to the Tatars. In the north, the Tatars occupied part of the Ossetian territory, and finally locked the Setins in the mountains. The Digorians, Tagaurians and part of the Kurtatins were tributaries of the Kabardians as early as the beginning of the 19th century. The South Ossetians, formerly so formidable for them, submitted to the influence of the Georgians and became serfs from the Georgian feudal lords Eristovs and Machabelovs. The establishment of Russian rule was favorable for O., who found support in the Russian government against the Kabardians, on the one hand, and against the oppression of the upper class and Georgian princes, on the other. As a result of incitement by the latter, unrest sometimes occurred among the South Ossetians, but the measures of the government and the activities of the missionaries brought the Ossetians closer and closer to the Russians. In 1866-67. in Ossetia, the serfs were liberated from the power of the landowners.

After the revolution there is a mass resettlement of Ossetians. In 1922, the South Ossetian Autonomous Republic was formed, which became part of the Georgian SSR, two years later the North Ossetian Republic was formed, which in 1936 was transformed into the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. In 1990, the Declaration of Sovereignty of the Republic of North Ossetia (now North Ossetia-Alania) was adopted. South Ossetia became part of.

Ossetians are a people in Russia, the main population of North and South Ossetia, they also live in Kabardino-Balkaria (10 thousand people), in Karachay-Cherkessia (4 thousand people). The total number in Russia is 402 thousand people. Before the conquest of the Kabardians by the Russians, the Ossetians lived exclusively in the mountains. Pushing the Kabardians away from the mountains, the Russian government allowed them to settle on the plane.

The Ossetians are a viable tribe, rapidly increasing in numbers since they were placed in more favorable economic conditions. According to the data of 1833, there were only 35,750 Ossetians; According to information from the 1960s, there were 46,802 North Ossetians and 19,324 South Ossetians. In 1880, there were already 58,926 people in North Ossetia, and 51,988 in South Ossetia.

According to the observations of Dr. Gilchenko, North Ossetians in the majority (almost 64%) are dark-haired and dark-eyed; their skin color is swarthy, the forehead is straight, wide, with well-developed frontal tubercles and poorly developed superciliary arches; nose rather large, prominent, straight; the mouth is small, with straight, thin lips. Growth is mostly high; shoulders and pelvis of considerable width.

On the plane, Ossetians live in huts or whitewashed huts; in the mountains, where there is no forest, or it is difficult to access, Ossetian sakli are made up of stones without cement and for the most part stick to the rock with one side. Sometimes part of the side walls is also formed by a mountain.

The main part of the national Ossetian house is a large common room, kitchen and dining room together. Cooking takes place in it all day long, since Ossetians do not have a certain time for eating, and family members do not eat all together, but first the older ones, then the younger ones. A hearth is placed in the middle of the room, above which, on an iron chain, hangs a copper or cast-iron cauldron. The hearth is the center around which the family gathers. An iron chain attached to the ceiling at the smoke hole is the most sacred object of the house: one who approaches the hearth and touches the chain becomes close to the family. Insulting the chain (for example, taking it out of the house) was considered the greatest offense for the family, which was previously followed by blood feuds.

As the family grows (partitions between married brothers during the life of the parents are rare), new saklis and outbuildings are added to the house. All buildings are covered with flat roofs, on which bread is often threshed and grain is dried.

The clothes of the Ossetians do not differ from the common Caucasian, mountain clothes: men have the same shirts, beshmets, Circassians, trousers made of cloth or canvas or cloaks; for women - long shirts to the heels, harem pants and calico or nanke semi-caftans with a narrow neckline on the chest. The winter headdress is a lamb high hat (hat), the summer one is a felt hat. The headdress of women is made up of hats of various types and scarves. Men in clothes prefer dark brown and black, women - blue, blue and scarlet.

The main food of the Ossetians, who are generally distinguished by moderation, is bread - from barley, corn, wheat, millet, as well as dishes from milk and cheese. They eat meat only on holidays and when guests arrive. The main occupations of the Ossetians in the mountains, where there are fat pastures, are cattle breeding and agriculture, crafts are poorly developed.

The main ethical principles that guide the life of Ossetians are respect for elders, blood vengeance and hospitality. Every Ossetian considers it a duty to get up at the entrance of the elder and greet him, even if he was of lower origin; adult sons do not have the right to sit in the presence of their father, the host cannot sit in front of the guest without his permission, etc. In general, family and social relations are determined by strict etiquette and peculiar notions of decency, often extremely shy.

The custom of blood vengeance, sacredly observed before, but now almost eradicated, led to constant wars between individual families and significantly reduced the number of the Ossetian tribe. Hospitality is still an outstanding feature. It is observed with greater sincerity and cordiality in places less touched by European culture. Marriage was until recently based solely on the payment of a kalym (ireda) for the bride, which the groom had to purchase personally. The size of the kalym was determined by the dignity of the bride and the families entering into kinship. In some places, part of the kalym, and sometimes the whole kalym, goes as a dowry to a girl. Ossetian weddings are decorated with many rituals that retain interesting traces of antiquity.

Between the funeral rites, the so-called dedication of the horse to the deceased, performed at the grave, and the commemoration deserve attention. The purpose of the first rite is for the deceased to have a horse in the afterlife and be able to safely drive to the place assigned to him. The commemoration consists in a plentiful treat not only to relatives, but to all residents of the same village and newcomers, in honor of the deceased, and the so-called great commemoration is sometimes accompanied by a jump and shooting at a target for prizes given out by the family of the deceased. Ossetians look at the commemoration as if they were feeding their dead ancestors, believing that the food eaten at the commemoration reaches them. By adopting Christianity, Ossetians perform certain rituals, observe fasts and holidays, attend church, mention the name of Christ and some saints, but at the same time celebrate the old pagan rites, say prayers to their aul and family shrines, on certain days they make sacrifices - rams, goats , bulls. In the rituals of Ossetians, traces of decayed Christianity, mixed with ancient paganism, are also visible.

Of considerable interest is the folk literature of O., especially their legends about heroes, called Narts. Some types and plots of the Ossetian Nart epic are found in the legends of the Kabardians and. The latter, apparently, borrowed some of the stories from the Ossetians, who themselves received something from the Kabardians. The Ossetian Nart epic was also penetrated from Transcaucasia, through the Georgians, by some plots connected with the Persian hero Rustem, a hero almost universally known in the Caucasus. In addition to epic tales, Ossetians have many songs, especially satirical and humorous ones, which are as easy to add up as they are forgotten and replaced by new ones. Singing and playing musical instruments are widespread among the people.

The article discusses the causes and circumstances of the resettlement of Ossetians to the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century, characterizes the socio-economic and political situation of the Ossetian diaspora in the Middle East in the Ottoman period and in modern times.

Reasons for the resettlement of Ossetians in the Middle East.

Single migrations of Ossetians to the countries of the Middle East took place as early as the Alanian era and were carried out mainly along the centuries-old established channels of the Black Sea slave trade. It is known, for example, that among the Circassian Mamluks in medieval Egypt there were several individuals of clearly Alanian origin. It can be assumed that in later eras, individual representatives of the Ossetian ethnic group ended up as slaves or hired soldiers in the Ottoman Empire, Iran and the Arab countries, without standing out, however, from the general mass of North Caucasians, referred to by the collective term "Circassians".

The relatively massive resettlement of Ossetians to the Middle East, which marked the beginning of the formation of the Ossetian diaspora, occurred only at the final stage of the Caucasian War and was one of the links in a much larger phenomenon - the exodus (partly voluntary, but mostly forced and violent) of the highlanders of the North Caucasus to the Ottoman Empire , the so-called muhajirism (from the Arabic muhajir "migrant").

The reasons and specific circumstances of Ossetian migration are known in their main features. In contrast to the Northwestern Caucasus, Muhajirism in Ossetia was not the result of an official policy of squeezing out or expelling the indigenous population. The resettlement here was rather a form of reaction of a part of the traditional Ossetian society to the forced establishment of a military-colonial regime in the region, which took on especially pronounced features after the final conquest of the Eastern Caucasus and the capture of Imam Shamil in 1859. Undoubtedly, to some extent, leaving for Ottoman Turkey can be considered as a deviation by certain groups of Ossetian society of the imperial variant of social modernization imposed on them.

Among the specific motives that prompted part of the Muslim Ossetians to leave their homeland, one can name fears about the possible confiscation of land in favor of the Cossacks, forced Christianization, forced recruitment, increased tax oppression, etc. These fears were largely exaggerated and often deliberately fanned by circles that had narrower, group reasons for striving to resettle in Turkey: partly by the mullahs, who feared a weakening of their influence on the flock against the background of the strengthening of the position of Christianity in Ossetia, partly by some representatives of the nobility, interested in protecting their traditional class privileges from the destructive impact of Russian agrarian reforms. At the same time, fears of this kind were not completely groundless, which is confirmed by the practice of the Russian authorities, including in Ossetia itself, for example, the liquidation shortly before the start of resettlement to Turkey of several lowland Ossetian villages, whose lands were allotted for Cossack villages. In addition, despite the fact that in Ossetia there was no direct expulsion of a potentially unsettled or unreliable "native element" from the empire, similar measures taken by the authorities in other areas of the region could not but be perceived by some Ossetians as Russia's policy towards the mountain Muslim the population as a whole, especially since there were circles in Ossetian society, albeit not numerous, who sympathized with Shamil's movement, and a certain number of Ossetians personally participated in it. In the last stages of the Caucasian War and after its end, it was precisely the representatives of these strata opposed to the Russian authorities that made up the most active and rather significant proportion of the Muhajirs. Summarizing the above, we can state that, regardless of the real intentions and policy of the government in relation to the population of Ossetia (Ossetian District), among a certain part of it in the late 50s - early 60s. extremely negative expectations for the near future became widespread, prompting many Ossetians to make a decision to resettle in the Ottoman Empire. It should be noted that the latter, as a rule, was presented to them in an extremely idealized light as a powerful and prosperous state, ruled by a just and merciful sultan - the caliph of all Muslims. This circumstance, of course, also served as an additional incentive for resettlement for persons prone to a somewhat adventurous search for a "better life" in a foreign land.

composition of the migrants.

The above reasons largely predetermined the social composition of the settlers. A very noticeable group of them and, in a certain sense, an initiative core was formed by representatives of the traditional landowning aristocratic elite - Aldars, badeliats and others (it was the number of these classes in their homeland that suffered the greatest relative losses as a result of resettlement). At the same time, the nobility managed to captivate a considerable number of representatives of dependent estates - Kavdasards, Kusags, etc. The most numerous group of Muhajirs, however, were, as in their homeland, free Farsaglaq peasants.

It is obvious that the vast majority of immigrants were associated with agricultural production. At the same time, the available data make it possible to single out a few non-agrarian strata from their total mass - professional military (former officers of the Russian army), Muslim clergy.

During 1860–1861 17 Ossetian officers in the rank from cornet to captain moved to Turkey.

Among the migrants were representatives of both ethno-dialect groups of the Ossetian people - Iron and Digor. The Irons were represented mainly by people from the Tagauri society, and to a lesser extent from the Kurtatin, Alagir and Trutovsky societies, and residents of the lowland Muslim villages created in the previous decades - Zilgi, Shanaevo (now Brut), Zamankul, Tulatovo (now Beslan), Khumalag and others - in comparison with the inhabitants of the villages located in the areas of traditional localization of these communities in the mountains (from the mountain villages, the most noticeable number of Muhajirs was given by Dargavs, Saniba, Koban). The Digorian part of the Ossetian settlers were mainly residents of the village of Magometanovsky (now Chikola), as well as Tuganovsky (now Dur-Dur), Karadzhaevsky (now Khaznidon), Karagach and others.

In confessional terms, almost all migrants were undoubtedly Sunni Muslims, although the possibility of leaving for Turkey an insignificant number of nominal followers of Christianity or the traditional religion of the Ossetians is not ruled out.

Stages of resettlement and the number of Ossetian Muhajirs.

The main waves of Ossetian migration to the Ottoman Empire - often simultaneously and together with representatives of other peoples of the Central and Eastern Caucasus - took place in the period from 1859 to 1862, and the peak of this movement occurred in the spring-summer of 1860, when up to 3 thousand Ossetians The next, much less significant stage of Ossetian Muhajirism dates back to 1865, when, on the initiative and under the leadership of General Mussa Kundukhov, an Ossetian by nationality, more than 23 thousand highlanders, mostly Chechens, moved to Turkey, according to Russian official data, with whom migrated and about 350 souls of Ossetians (45 households). Subsequently, only individual migrations occurred sporadically.

In our opinion, in the period from the late 50's to the mid-60's. 19th century in total, hardly more than 5 thousand people left Ossetia for the Ottoman borders, some of whom returned back in the very first months and years after the resettlement. Informative for estimating the approximate number of Ossetian Muhajirs may be the information at our disposal on the number of Turkish Ossetians at a later time. So, the son of General M. Kundukhov, Bekir Sami Kundukh (Bekir Sami-bey), who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first government of Kemalist Turkey, who visited Ossetia in 1920, noted that there were no more than 600-700 families or 6 thousand people in the country. Ossetian shower. By the beginning of the 70s. In the 20th century, according to experts from the North Caucasian Cultural Society in Ankara, 9,000 ethnic Ossetians lived in rural areas of Turkey, and approximately the same number was supposed to live in cities.

Migration routes.

The migration of Ossetians, as well as representatives of other Central and East Caucasian peoples, was carried out, as a rule, by land through the Darial or Mamison passes of the Main Caucasian Range, Georgian and Armenian lands directly to the border Kars sanjak of the Ottoman Empire. However, individual small shipments of immigrants were transported by sea from Batum to Trabzon and other Black Sea ports of Anatolia, or - more rarely - to Istanbul. The latter was usually practiced in relation to settlers who were wealthy or had a certain status prestige in the eyes of the Ottoman authorities, for example, clergymen, career officers, etc.

sanjak(district) - an administrative-territorial unit in the Ottoman Empire, which was part of vilayet(province). The borders of the former Ottoman sanjaks roughly correspond to the silts in modern Turkey.

Settlement of Ossetian settlers in the Middle East.

Muhajirism was not a one-time act for the majority of Ossetians. Due to various factors, primarily subsequent events of a military and international political nature, their search for places of final settlement on the territory of the Ottoman Empire turned out to be stretched out for years and decades. We can only in general terms to trace these movements of groups of Ossetians within the empire, since the separation of individual nationalities from the total mass of North Caucasian settlers is difficult due to the inaccuracy of the use of the Caucasian ethnic nomenclature in Turkish sources, in which all the highlanders were usually called Circassians or simply Muhajirs and were not always given - due to practical irrelevance - more than narrow, "tribal" characteristic. Reliable identification of Ossetians is possible only in a very limited number of Ottoman archival documents, which mention the Caucasian Muhajirs of the Digor tribe, or the Tegi tribe (i.e. Tagaurians). The fact that during this period there were no signs of a broader ethno-national self-identification of the Ossetians is remarkable in itself, since to some extent it is a reflection of the nature of ethnic self-consciousness and the way of thinking of the settlers, especially their leaders.

Judging by the available data, during the years 1859-1862. practically all Ossetian settlers were quite compactly settled in North-Eastern Anatolia, in the Kars sanjak, mainly in the mountainous and wooded area of ​​Sarykamysh on the eastern slopes of the Soganly ridge, where there were significant areas of free land due to the migration of local Armenians and Greeks to Russia in previous decades. Ossetian immigrants created at least a dozen independent villages here (often on the site of the ruins of settlements abandoned by the former inhabitants), and in isolated cases - separate quarters in existing Turkish villages. In one of the Ottoman documents it is reported that by September 1861 in this area, on the plane of Hamamli-Duzyu, "Circassians of the Digor tribe" were settled in the amount of 400 families, i.e. at least 2 thousand people . The number of natives of other Ossetian societies stationed here should have been no less. The names of some of the Ossetian villages founded here during this period are known: Yukary-Sarykamysh (Upper Sarykamysh), Hamamly, Bozat, Oluklu, Selim, Alisofu, Khancherli, Karakurt, Agdzhalar and others.

Apparently, already in the early 60s. the Sarykamysh region acquired a special attraction for small groups of Ossetians originally settled by the Port in other parts of Anatolia, primarily due to the presence of relatively numerous colonies of their compatriots here and the attractiveness of natural and climatic conditions (including due to the well-known similarity of the local landscape with the Caucasian). Undoubtedly, the preference of the Kars-Sarykamysh region for Ossetians also stemmed from its proximity to the Russian border, since, probably, a fairly significant part of the immigrants admitted the hypothetical possibility of their return to their homeland, or at least maintaining certain contacts with relatives who remained there, and some even made corresponding more or less successful attempts. In addition, a significant factor in choosing this area was its relative geographical isolation and sparsely populated areas, which was very important in view of the initial orientation of the Mukhajir Ossetians to preserve their traditional socio-cultural image intact. It is these circumstances that explain the facts of repeated migrations here with the sanction of the authorities of individual small parties of Ossetians from the inner regions of Anatolia and even, according to oral tradition, from Istanbul. So, in 1862, a group of Ossetian-Digorians sent to the Sivas vilayet, mainly representatives of the nobility, turned to the Ottoman administration with a request to resettle in Sarykamysh, motivating their request by the favorable climate of this region for them and the fact that 160 families had already been settled there. their "subjects". At the same time, the authors of the appeal assured the authorities that they would not allow any of the mentioned families to express their intention to return to Russia, and if there were any, they would ensure the recovery from them of all the funds spent on their arrangement by the state and the population. Other groups of Ossetians also made repeated movements around Anatolia in search of the most suitable places for permanent settlement, ultimately also finding shelter in Sarykamysh.

It should be noted that the Ossetians were not the only North Caucasians in the area. In the same years, several thousand Avars, Laks, Kabardians and Chechens migrated to the Sarykamysh region and settled in the immediate vicinity of the Ossetians. It is curious that this colonization was carried out by the Turkish authorities in fact in violation of the agreement with Russia on the non-settlement of Caucasian highlanders in the provinces bordering on it. Moreover, despite the fact that during the immigration of 1865, the Russian authorities demanded that the Porte comply with this condition much more strictly, some of the Ossetians who migrated during this period also settled in the villages previously created here by their tribesmen. Thanks to such an intensive influx of population from the North Caucasus, Sarykamysh already in the early 60s. was separated into an independent administrative unit - kaza (county) - as part of the Kars sanjak. According to a British military intelligence officer who visited Sarykamysh a few years later, more than 1,000 families of North Caucasians lived there, capable of fielding 2,000 mounted volunteers for the Ottoman army in case of war.

Outside of North-Eastern Anatolia, it is reliably known about the creation in the 60s. 19th century only one Ossetian settlement - the mixed Ossetian-Kabardian village of Batmantash in the sanjak of Tokat in Central Anatolia, where Mussa Kundukhov settled in 1866 or 1867 along with his closest associates, relatives and dependent people.

This picture of the settlement of Ossetian migrants on Ottoman territory remained unchanged for a little more than a decade and a half and was only violated as a result of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877–1878, when the Kars region was occupied by Russian troops and then incorporated into the Russian Empire. under the name of the Kars region.

Following this, the vast majority of Ossetian colonists chose to leave the Russian Kars region and in the late 70s - early 80s. gradually migrated deep into Ottoman territory. The adoption of such a decision by the bulk of the Sarykamysh Ossetians and other North Caucasians, apparently, was influenced by the anti-Russian attitudes formed during the Caucasian war and the conviction based on them that it was impossible to preserve the traditional way of life and their ethnic and religious identity under the rule of the tsarist administration.

During these years, from a third to a half of the entire local Muslim population - Turks, Kurds, Turkmen-Karapapakhs, etc. - moved from the Kars region to the provinces remaining under the sovereignty of Istanbul. However, only among the North Caucasians this migration had the character of an almost universal outcome, which until recently the settlers were remembered as the "second Muhajirism".

According to the data of the statistical and geographical description of the Kars region undertaken by the Russian authorities, by the beginning of the 90s. 19th century in the Sarykamysh region, which was transformed into the Soganlug section, only three Ossetian villages remained: Upper Sarykamysh (23 households or 163 souls), Bozat (23 courtyards or 153 souls) and Khamamly (15 courtyards or 83 souls). The total number of Ossetians in rural areas of the region was 424 people. . And in 1897 the first general census of the population of the Russian Empire recorded 520 Ossetians in the entire Kars region. It should also be noted that during this period, a certain number of residents of these villages returned to Ossetia, and during the First World War, most of the Ossetians who remained in Sarykamysh fled to their historical homeland, fleeing fierce battles. However, in 1922, after the final transfer of the Kars region to Turkey, almost all of them (or their descendants) voluntarily resettled again, in accordance with the Soviet-Turkish agreement, to their former residence in Sarykamysh. Finally, in the 20-30s. 20th century here, at the suggestion of the Turkish government, a part of the Ossetian families who migrated after the war of 1877–1878 also returned. to other Anatolian provinces, in particular, to Mush and Bitlis. All returned Ossetians were settled in three remaining villages (moreover, in Khamamly together with the Laks), as well as in the ss. Selim and Alisofu (in the latter, together with the Turkmen-Karapapakhs). These processes of return migration to the region to a certain extent restored (and for some time extended) the life potential of the Sarykamysh Ossetian community as one of the main local groups of the foreign Ossetian diaspora.

In the early 70s. 20th century at least 4,330 ethnic Ossetians lived in the villages of Kars province, mainly in the Sarykamysh region.

The second most important local Ossetian community in the Ottoman Empire was formed in the central part of the East Anatolian Highlands (or, according to the old terminology, in Turkish Armenia and Kurdistan) as a result of the migration of part of the Kars Ossetians there in the late 70s - early 80s. 19th century They founded a number of villages on a rather vast area north and west of Lake Van, of which, according to oral and documentary sources, the following are known to us: Simo, Khamzasheikh, Karaali, Govendik, Yaramysh, Mesdzhitli, Sarydavut in the sanjak of Mush; Hulyk, Aghjaviran (jointly with the Adygs) in the sanjak of Bitlis; Õrun in the sanjak of Siirt. As before in Sarykamysh, representatives of other North Caucasian peoples - Dagestanis, Vainakhs and Adygs often coexisted with Ossetians in this territory. However, unlike the former, rather compact settlement in Sarykamysh, here the colonies of the North Caucasians, including Ossetians, were dispersed in the form of small groups of villages or single settlements, usually located at a much greater distance (sometimes at a distance of many tens of kilometers) from each other. friend.

In the 20-30s. 20th century as part of the official campaign for the correction/Turkishization of the toponymy of Anatolia, some of these villages were renamed. So, Simo was named Kurganly, Khamzasheikh - Sarypynar, Karaali - Karaagyl, Mesjitli - Kyzylmesdzhit, Hulyk - Otluyazy, Agjaviran - Akchaoren, Yrun - Kayakhisar.

A significant part of the Ossetians after the war of 1877–1878. migrated from the Kars region in a western direction - to Central Anatolia, settling in this region even more dispersed, although against the "background" of a very numerous array of earlier North Caucasian (mainly Adyghe and Abkhaz-Abaza) colonies. Ossetian villages arose here during these years: Konakozyu, Yenikoy, Kapaklykaya, Kahvepynar (together with the Chechens), Dikilitash, Yenichubuk in the sanjak of Sivas; Chengibagy, Tashlyk (together with the Circassians), Kushoturagy (together with the Kumyks, Nogais and Circassians) in the Tokat sanjak; Boyalyk, Poyrazly, Karabadzhak, Kayapinar in Yozgat sanjak; Orkhaniye in the sanjak of Nigde; Fyndyk (together with the Kabardians, whose language the Ossetians switched to in the initial period of the settlement) in the Marash sanjak.

Renamed Gurpinar.

In addition to the above three main areas of relatively compact settlement of ethnic Ossetians in Anatolia, it is also known that one or two villages existed in the past in the Erzurum region.

In addition, a small group of Ossetians, after repeated movements across Anatolia, reached in the 80s. 19th century to Ottoman Syria, having founded there in the Kuneitra district, on the so-called Golan Heights, two settlements - Faraj and Fazara - in the immediate vicinity of the colonies of Adyghe, Abkhazian and Chechen immigrants.

Socio-economic and political situation of Ossetian immigrants in the Ottoman period.

In accordance with the legislation in force, the Ossetians and other North Caucasians who immigrated to the territory of the empire were provided with certain material assistance in order to turn them into a productive element of the population as soon as possible. As a rule, at the expense of the provincial budget and donations from local residents, a house was built for each resettled family, agricultural implements and draft animals were issued (usually a pair of oxen for two families), and daily food allowances were assigned for the period until the final settlement and harvest of the first harvest. The colonists were also exempted for several years from paying taxes and performing military service. At the same time, the Muhajirs who settled in Kars and then were forced to migrate from there to other provinces (to which the vast majority of Ossetians belonged) were granted these benefits twice, although the second time their volume and duration were noticeably shorter. It should also be borne in mind that when resettling both from the Caucasus and from the Kars region, Ossetians had the opportunity to take with them a significant part of their movable and immovable property, which minimized the likelihood of extreme poverty among them, comparable to the situation of migrants from the North-West Caucasus.

Nevertheless, the painless socio-economic adaptation of the Muhajirs in their new homeland was often hindered by rather significant unfavorable circumstances. Thus, the extremely harsh natural conditions of Sarykamysh (the cold climate of the highlands and the low level of soil fertility) limited the possibilities for effective agricultural production in this area, which immediately after the settlement prompted the Ossetians to look for alternative forms of economic activity. In particular, from the very first weeks of their stay here, the harvesting and sale of timber in Kars and Erzurum became the most important source of income for them, and this trade retained its importance over the next few decades and ceased to exist only due to the almost complete deforestation of local forests. Of the agricultural crops in Sarykamysh, only cereals (wheat and barley), potatoes, onions and some other vegetables grew, the harvest of which was only enough for the settlers' own consumption. The fields were fallow for two years. Fruit trees did not grow. The situation was better with the breeding of cattle and small cattle and horses, which was facilitated by the presence of a sufficient number of meadows and summer pastures. For wintering, however, all cattle were driven to the more southern lowland areas. Part of the animals, especially horses, was raised for sale, which was the most profitable item in the economy of the Ossetian population of Sarykamysh both before and during the Russian occupation of the region. Of the other products, only straw, hay and oil were exported and sold outside the villages. Separate facts of the occupation of the settlers by primitive individual entrepreneurship have been recorded. For example, it is known about the construction and commercial operation of a road crossing across the Araks River in difficult terrain near the village of Karakurt in the mid-70s. 19th century .

Judging by the Ottoman documents, from the very first years of settlement in the Kars-Sarykamysh region, some Ossetians and other people from the Caucasus, despite the exemption from military duty, were involved in voluntary paid service in the army and border units. So, already in 1860, the authorities announced the recruitment of 500 people "from among the population who arrived from Russia in the surrounding kaz" for security service in fortified posts being built along the border. During the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878, when the local Ossetian villages were at the epicenter of hostilities, a considerable part of their inhabitants joined the irregular "Circassian" cavalry formations and fought in their composition under the command of Musa Pasha (Mussa Kundukhov) and Gazi Muhammad Pasha (son of Imam Shamil). However, due to the poor provision of these detachments with ammunition and fodder and non-payment of salaries, many volunteers left them rather soon and returned to their villages.

At the initial stage of the Ossetians' residence in the region, there were cases of robberies by them of the local population, trade caravans, etc. However, as the colonists established economic life, this criminal activity lost its economic significance and began to decline. Its new surge took place after the occupation of the region by Russian troops. Finding themselves in uncertainty about their future and waiting for several years to resolve the issue of resettlement to Ottoman territory, the Ossetians “for a long time were not engaged in either arable farming or cattle breeding ...”, hunting “... by robbing livestock, mainly horses, which were driven abroad.” Only after the emigration of all those who wished to the Turkish borders, the Ossetians who remained in Sarykamysh began to restore their economy and began to cultivate the land again.

The relationship between the Sarykamysh Ossetians and the surrounding Muslim population, despite certain frictions that took place in the initial period, were generally quite complementary. Most of the ethnic groups, next to which the Ossetians were located here, were themselves relatively recent settlers from the Russian Transcaucasia (Karapapakhs) or neighboring regions of Anatolia (Kurds, part of the Turks), settled by Porta in place of the emigrated Armenian and Greek population, and as a result did not have any rights and claims supported by historical tradition to the lands and economic lands allocated to the Ossetians. The political integration of the Ossetians and other North Caucasians into the local Muslim society was also facilitated by the significant predominance of the last settled agricultural element over the nomadic tribes in the structure. Relations between the colonists and local Christians, however, were initially more strained. After 1878, the conflicts between Ossetians and Armenians and Greeks, settled by the Russian administration in villages abandoned by Muslims, including Ossetians, were especially acute.

The position of the Ossetians in the East Anatolian Highlands was somewhat different. The natural and climatic conditions of the Mush valley, where most of the Ossetian villages were located, were more favorable for agricultural activities, and the lands provided to them were more extensive than in the Sarykamysh region. However, here, too, mainly cereals were grown; in the production of other crops, the settlers were far inferior to the neighboring settled farmers - Armenians and Turks. Cattle and sheep in immigrant villages, as noted by modern observers, were quite numerous, but in this respect they lagged far behind the nomadic Kurds. At the same time, the Ossetians and other North Caucasians significantly outnumbered all local groups in terms of the quantity and quality of their horses, the breeding of which had a certain commercial value here as well. A significant number of Ossetians from the very first years of settlement in the region were involved in more profitable and prestigious non-agricultural activities. In particular, the settlers willingly joined the gendarmerie, the police, the Régi Tobacco Patrol and, to a lesser extent, the civil government. A considerable part was engaged in petty trade, as well as very profitable smuggling of tobacco. In general, the level of well-being of the local Ossetian community was undoubtedly higher than that of the surrounding population.

The relations of the Ossetians settled in Mush, Bitlis and Siirt with the main categories of the indigenous population were extremely complex, which stemmed from the weakness of the positions of official power here and the existence in the region of a system of exploitation consecrated by centuries of tradition (in the form of feudal-patriarchal “patronage”) of some ethno-social groups by others. . At the head of this hierarchy were nomadic Kurdish tribes, then settled and non-tribal Kurds and other Muslim communities followed, while Armenians and other Christians occupied the lowest position. The Ossetians were initially considered by the leaders of the Kurdish tribes as an alien element, subject to either inclusion in the local hierarchy as a subordinate group, or displacement from the lands provided to them by the government. The “grounds” for such claims were also the fact that almost all the colonies of the North Caucasians were created on the site of villages relatively recently abandoned by the Armenians, who were semi-serf dependent on the Kurds before emigration, which gave rise to the temptation of the latter to transfer their “ownership rights” to the new settlers. However, thanks to the rather rapid development by the settlers of effective mechanisms of mutual assistance, their better military-technical equipment and support from the provincial administrations, despite their small numbers, they managed to gain a foothold in the local ethno-social structure at a relatively high level, which assumed full autonomy in internal affairs and respect for personal freedom and dignity, albeit with certain forms of nominal "vassal" dependence on the most powerful tribes. However, the immigrants themselves often made predatory raids not only on Armenian villages, but also on the possessions of nomads, and at times participated as volunteers in the military-police actions of the authorities against the rebellious elements. On occasion, they pursued a completely independent local policy, even if it ran counter to the interests of their formal "suzerains".

An indicative illustration of the nature of the relationship between the Ossetians both with the Kurds and with the Armenians can be the conflict between the residents of the village of Simo and the Sipkanly tribe, reflected in the report of the English consul, which occurred at the end of 1893 due to the fact that the Ossetians, against the will of the Kurds, agreed to conduct for a fee to the Russian border the Armenian families who emigrated from the nearby village of Lapbudag of the Hynys sanjak. On the way, a detachment of Kurds attacked the convoy with the aim of robbing the Armenians, but their escorts repulsed the attack, killing several attackers, and safely delivered their wards to the border. In response, the Kurds attacked Simo with large forces, and during the fighting that lasted several days, more than 20 people died there, mainly from the Kurds. However, since the position of the defenders was critical, they sent a messenger to the commander of the 4th Anatolian army, the Circassian Zeki Pasha, with a request to send troops to protect the besieged, which predetermined the outcome of the confrontation, favorable for the colonists. It can be assumed that the actions of the Ossetians in this episode were largely dictated by their desire to expand their own "living space" by developing the lands of the Armenians who left the region, which is confirmed by the fact of the subsequent Ossetianization of the village of Lapbudag.

In general, however, the fate of the Ossetian community located in Eastern Anatolia was in the Ottoman period an example of a predominantly independent struggle for survival in an extremely unfavorable ethno-political, socio-economic, and sometimes even natural environment. This situation changed only after the Kemalist revolution, when the central government strengthened its power over the eastern regions of the country, putting an end to the autocracy of the Kurdish feudal lords.

As for the Ossetian groups of Central Anatolia, their adaptation to local realities undoubtedly took place with much less complications due to rather favorable natural conditions, a relatively high level of socio-economic development, and a more homogeneous and complementary composition of the population in relation to Caucasians (ethnically mainly Turkish). region. After endowing material resources intended for immigrants and settling individual land disputes with the natives, the Ossetians quickly turned into a community mainly engaged in agricultural labor, although, as elsewhere in the country, a relatively high proportion of them entered the service of military, law enforcement and administrative institutions. . Neither Ottoman nor foreign documentary sources distinguish the Ossetians settled in the region from the total mass of the rather numerous North Caucasian (“Circassian”) element here.

Our information about the situation of the Syrian Ossetians is rather scarce. Undoubtedly, in the first period after the settlement, they, together with the inhabitants of the nearby Caucasian villages of the Golan Heights, were forced to defend their rights to the lands granted to them from the encroachments of the Bedouin and Druze tribes that were not controlled by the authorities. By the beginning of the 20th century, however, thanks to the stabilization of the socio-political situation in the Kuneitra region and special care from the administration, the local Circassian community turned into one of the most prosperous groups of the diaspora in the empire in socio-economic terms.

Most of the developed in the second half of the XIX century. On the Ottoman territory, local communities of Ossetians were ethno-socially quite isolated and closed, which was explained not only by the difficult nature of their “political” relations with a number of local peoples and the geographical isolation of many colonies, but also by significant differences in the socio-economic and cultural appearance of the settlers and the surrounding population, especially noticeable in the regions of Eastern Anatolia and Syria. In view of this, the inhabitants of the Ossetian settlements, as a rule, maintained a relatively limited level of sociocultural interaction with neighboring groups, with the exception of other North Caucasian communities. This situation undoubtedly contributed to the conservation of the forms of economic structure, social relations, culture and language brought from the Caucasus. A number of authors who visited the Muhajir colonies at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. and later, a high degree of their adherence to the traditions and customs of their historical homeland is stated, in particular, their performance of ceremonial and labor rituals, observance of etiquette, the existence of remnants of the former class division, etc. At the same time, such a visible sign of the preservation of their ethnic identity by the settlers as the mass wearing of Everyday life Caucasian costume, including a dagger and other elements of weapons. It should also be borne in mind that, in general, during the Ottoman period, the authorities did not pursue pronounced assimilation goals in relation to ethnic minorities.

The position of the Middle Eastern Ossetians in modern times.

Starting from the 20s. In the 20th century, after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the emergence of a national state - the Republic of Turkey, the authorities of the latter began to carry out a very strict policy of forced "melting" of all ethnic groups in the country in a pan-Turkish "melting pot". True, the real impact of this policy on the inhabitants of the Ossetian rural micro-enclaves was somewhat mitigated by the relative weakness of their economic contacts with the outside world, and in the east of the country by the small number of the Turkish population proper there. Undoubtedly, until the second half of the twentieth century. the majority of Ossetian local communities in Turkey were able, despite the unfavorable political and ideological background, to ensure the reproduction of their ethnic identity.

Made in the early 40s. Turkish ethnographer Suleiman Kazmaz, on the basis of field research in four Ossetian villages of Sarykamysh, records allow us to get some idea of ​​the socio-cultural image of the local Ossetians and the nature of their identity during this period.

From this source it follows that at the time of the study, a total of 78 households lived in these villages, in the vast majority of Ossetian households.

In the collective consciousness of the inhabitants, the memory of origin from the Caucasus was clearly preserved with a noticeable tendency to idealize the historical homeland. As reasons for the exodus of ancestors to the Ottoman possessions, their unwillingness to live under Russian rule and the desire to preserve the Muslim religion were called. Ossetian remained the main language of everyday communication within the villages.

The houses were one-story buildings made of hewn stone and lime and, due to the scarcity of wood, had earthen floors and flat earthen roofs, which poorly protected against moisture and cold. The stables were located outside the living quarters. The layout of the rooms was correct and interior decoration houses were neat, clean and decorated with a well-known aesthetic taste, which distinguished them from the dwellings of representatives of other ethnic groups.
Of the traditional food products, the preparation of Ossetian cheese, pies-walibakhs, as well as dark beer on special occasions was recorded. A significant place in the diet was occupied by dishes of local and international cuisine. As a strong liquor, Turkish aniseed raki was consumed, but only by middle-aged and older people in moderation.

By the time described, the traditional costume had fallen out of use under the influence of the ban on its wearing by the republican authorities, in connection with which the villagers expressed regret.

Of the folklore genres, there were mainly heroic and abrec songs and fairy tales. Lyrical works were practically absent, being considered shameful. The epic tales have not been attested. Some poems by Kosta Khetagurov were known, including in the form of songs (for example, “Dodoi”), which, undoubtedly, was the result of close contacts between the Sarykamysh Ossetians and their historical homeland during the period of Russian rule. From other types of oral creativity, legends and parables “from Caucasian life” (including about the Caucasian war and Shamil), as well as samples of Anatolian folklore, were noted.

Ossetian and other Caucasian dances were well preserved and regularly performed on solemn occasions. The only musical instrument was the harmonica.

The attention of the Turkish researcher was attracted by the high age of marriage in Ossetian villages (for men, often over 30 years), which was associated not only with economic problems, but also with the difficulty of choosing a marriage partner within one's own ethnic group due to its small number. The latter circumstance, long before the time described, led to the lifting of the ban on marriages between representatives of different traditional social status strata (“noble” and “ignoble” families), as well as members of related (Rwadal) families. There were precedents for cross-cousin marriage, but public opinion condemned them. The payment of kalym in the amount of 150 Turkish liras (the approximate cost of two horses) was obligatory. An indispensable condition for concluding a marriage was the voluntary consent of both young people. Bride kidnapping was frowned upon and was quite rare. In general terms, the wedding ritual described by Kazmaz as a whole differs little from typical samples of the Ossetian wedding. Traditional forms of intrafamilial avoidance were practiced, although they were no longer enforced as strictly as in the earlier period.

Labor education of children began at a very early age. In addition to purely economic skills, great attention devoted to teaching boys the art of riding (although this tradition has already begun to lose its significance), and girls - needlework, in which they had no equal in neighboring villages. A distinctive feature of the Ossetians was the desire of parents to provide children modern education; there were almost no children not attending primary or secondary school, despite the fact that not all villages had schools.

Compared with the neighboring population, women in the Ossetian villages enjoyed considerable freedom (they did not avoid men, did not wear a veil, etc.). The norm of men's behavior was emphatically respectful attitude towards women. The duty of women in the family was housekeeping, but they, as a rule, did not do field work.

The respectful attitude towards elders also remained the norm of behavioral etiquette, but their real influence in public life was steadily weakening. survived at least until the early 1920s. the institution of the mediative court of elders ceased to exist by the indicated time. Increasingly, disagreements between generations on socio-economic and cultural issues made themselves felt.

Funeral customs combined Ossetian and Islamic traditions, but the level of honors given to the dead was noticeably higher than in neo-Ossetian villages.

By the nature of their religious consciousness, the Sarykamysh Ossetians were completely orthodox Sunni Muslims who sought to follow the precepts of Islam in their daily lives. The villagers, as far as can be judged from this text, for the most part observed the fast, but performed prayer very irregularly. Veiling by women was not noted. In most villages there was a mosque, as well as a mullah or muezzin, but, as a rule, from non-local residents. Pilgrimage was practiced to the graves of Muslim saints located in the area - ziyarets. There were no signs of the existence of remnants of traditional (pre-Muslim) cults.

The material of Kazmaz indicates that the Sarykamysh Ossetians in the middle of the 20th century. retained the most important socio-cultural features inherited from the maternal ethnic group. Their group identity was based primarily on a clear awareness of their common origin and their social and cultural “specialness” in a given region. The situation in other Ossetian communities, apparently, did not fundamentally differ from the one described, except for a slightly greater adherence to Islamic norms and traditions of the Ossetians in a number of areas of Central Anatolia (especially the province of Yozgat) due to their residence among the relatively conservative Turkish population.

This conclusion is fully supported by the material of another field study (unfortunately, very fragmentary), undertaken among the Sarykamysh Ossetians around the same period by the Turkish ethnologist Yashar Kalafat. One can also refer to the valuable observations of the life and way of life of Turkish Ossetians by the well-known journalist M. Mamsurov, made by him during his trip to Turkey in 1971.

This situation generally persisted until the 1960s and 1970s, when, due to the acceleration of the industrial development of Turkey and the processes of internal migration and urbanization caused by it, there were cardinal changes in the structure of the settlement of the Ossetian and other Caucasian populations. Since that time, almost all Ossetian villages and micro-enclaves began to undergo gradual “erosion” due to the growing emigration of the economically active part of the inhabitants from them to large commercial and industrial centers of the country, which in many cases was accompanied by an influx of Turkish and Kurdish ethnic elements from outside into the villages left by Ossetians. The destruction of the original settlement structure of the Ossetian communities took on a particularly intense and irreversible character in the last decades of the 20th century, marked by a complete exodus from the countryside of the Ossetian population of Eastern Anatolia and an almost complete exodus of Central Anatolia. As a result, at present, the only Ossetian island in Turkey are two villages in the province of Yozgat - Poyrazly and Boyalyk (the first is Digor, the second is Iron), which generally retain their mono-ethnic status with a population of several hundred people. Thus, in a fairly short period of time, the Turkish Ossetians, whose total number by the beginning of the 21st century was estimated at about 20-25 thousand people, turned from a predominantly agrarian, to a certain extent patriarchal community into an almost completely urbanized one. The vast majority of its members are concentrated in rapidly developing cities remote from the areas of their former settlement (primarily in the Istanbul metropolis, as well as in Ankara, Izmir, Bursa, Antalya, etc.), some live in Anatolian provincial cities (Yozgat, Tokat, Sivas, Kayseri, Erzurum, Kars, etc.), and only a small number - in the villages. Moving to large cities, where the Ossetians settled very scattered and managed to integrate quite quickly into the dominant Turkish society (usually as employees, military men, entrepreneurs and freelancers), on the one hand, gave a strong impetus to the processes of their cultural and linguistic assimilation. So, today, almost none of the people born and raised outside the "old" Ossetian villages (that is, people of young and partly middle age) speak their native language. On the other hand, with the inclusion in the modern urban environment, the formation of the intellectual, business, bureaucratic and other elite of the Ossetian diaspora has accelerated, some of which is quite actively involved in the Ossetian and wider North Caucasian ethno-cultural and social movement in Turkey.

However, despite the growing linguistic assimilation and acting in the country since the 30s. the law on the obligatory wearing of Turkish surnames, today almost all Turkish Ossetians remember their original family names well and use them in informal communication with each other. According to the incomplete data of the late professor V.S. Uarziati, one of the few domestic scientists who devoted special works to the Middle East Ossetians, representatives of the following Ossetian families live in Turkey and Syria: Aguydz (ar) tæ, Abysaltæ, Atsætæ, Asetæ, Ælbegtæ, Æmbaltæ, Ærchegkatæ, Ballatæ, Babukatæ, Basit æ, Bascatæ , Batiatæ, Batyrtæ, Badtæ, Baliotæ, Bæroitæ, Belekkatæ, Beroztæ, Beroitæ, Biazirtæ, Bimbasatæ, Bzartæ, Boliatæ, Borætæ, Bedoytæ, Gadotæ, Newspaper, Gæbæratæ, Gaguylatæ, Gali otæ, Gamaztæ, Gazazzatæ, Gasoytæ, Gæguiyatæ, Gæguytsatæ, Gukkatæ , Dzanægatæ, Dzansohtæ, Dzapartæ, Dzaras(a)tæ, Dzgoitæ, Dzustæ, Dzuzzatæ, Dzykhhotæ, Dogætæ, Yesenatæ, Zakkutæ, Zaqyetæ, Zekhyetæ, Zoloitæ, Itazatæ, Kaditæ, Karsan(a) tæ, Kenatæ, Kodzyrtæ, Kokaytæ, Kokoytæ , Kodzatæ, Kuyndykhatæ, Keziatæ, Kabolatæ, K'nguyratæ, Leuantæ, Lian(a)tæ, Makaratæ, Mamsyratæ, Makhyotæ, Mildzykhtæ, Myrzatæ, Mrykatæ, Musalatæ, Nækuysatæ, Nogatæ, Pooh atæ, Rubaytæ, Salitæ, Sambegtæ, Sasiatæ, Sæbætkhuatæ, Sælbitæ , Slonatæ, Sikh'otæ, Tauh'azakhtæ, Taysautæ, Tautiatæ, Tezi(a)tæ, Temyrkhantæ, Timortæ, Tugantæ, Tuhastatæ, Fidaratæ, Hek'elatæ, Hositæ, Hosontæ, Khabantæ, Khantemurtæ, Khanykh'uat æ, Kh'æbælotæ, Kh'æræbugatæ, Kh'æmmærzatæ, Kh'odzatæ, Kh'otskharatæ, Huybadtæ , Khyuysatæ, Tsælykkatæ, Tsomartatæ, Tsoritæ, Tsærikatæ, Tsækhiltæ, Chedzhemtæ. It is curious that some of these surnames are currently unknown in Ossetia itself.

Created by representatives of this elite in 1989 in Istanbul Foundation for Culture and Mutual Aid "Alan" aims to "ensure the social solidarity of the Ossetians living in Turkey ... and the protection and development of their cultural values" . The Foundation organizes regular meetings of people from Ossetian villages, provides material assistance to needy compatriots in obtaining education, treatment, etc., creates courses on the study of the Ossetian language and national musical and choreographic art, publishes translations into Turkish of scientific and popular history and culture of the Ossetian people, etc. An important activity of the foundation is the establishment and maintenance of contacts with the historical homeland through official institutions, public organizations, educational institutions, family ties, etc. Immediately after the events of August 2008 in South Ossetia, with the active participation of the activists of the Alan Foundation and other Caucasian associations of Turkey, the “Caucasian-Ossetian Committee of Solidarity and Humanitarian Aid” was created, which played a very important role in holding large-scale actions in Turkish cities to support victims of armed aggression of the South Ossetian Republic, lobbying its interests in the political and mass media circles of the country, raising funds for the affected brethren, etc.

Thus, at the current stage, it is legitimate to talk about the presence in Turkey of a fairly close-knit community with a developed diaspora ethnic identity (along with the Turkish national-state identity) and certain mechanisms of self-organization of the community of descendants of the Ossetian Muhajirs of the 19th century. At the same time, it is obvious that this ethno-protective and cultural-educational activity, in which an absolute minority of Turkish Ossetians are involved on any permanent basis, cannot form a reliable barrier to the prevailing trend towards their further de-ethnization. Because of this, the final assimilation of this part of the Ossetian ethnos still seems to be a matter of time, although the intensity and pace of this process can be significantly influenced by such factors as the scale and quality of the democratic changes taking place in Turkey today, the level and nature of the diaspora’s ties with Ossetia, and also the general regional international political context.

As for the Ossetians who ended up within Syria after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, their history in the 20th century also saw radical changes inseparable from the fate of the entire North Caucasian community of the Golan Heights. Having managed to secure a fairly high socio-political status for themselves during the period of the French mandate, the Circassians of the Quneitra region after the declaration of the independent Syrian Republic were forced to put up with a significant restriction of their ethno-cultural rights, despite the fact that they continued to be very widely represented at all levels of official civil and power structures. Fatal for this minority was 1967, when, as a result of the Six-Day War with Israel, Syria lost control over the Golan, and the inhabitants of the Caucasian villages located here, including Ossetians, fled from their homes into the interior of the country. After that, the main part of the Ossetians settled in Damascus and some other cities of Syria, where their number today hardly exceeds 1 thousand people, and the language and ethno-cultural characteristics are increasingly being assimilated by the dominant Arab society. A small number of Ossetian and other refugees emigrated to the United States after these events. Most of them now live in the town of Patterson, New Jersey, where one of the most significant North Caucasian communities in the Americas was formed in the post-war decades.

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